What turns women on

About Gender. Notice: You can find the original article here:

http://peoplerelationships.syl.com/womenandrelationships/whatturnswomenon

What thing do usually turn a woman on? There's a well-known list of such things like beautiful body, low sexual voice, strong arms and etc. But there are some not ordinary things about men that turn women on. So what are those singularities that get some women excited and the other women surprised that the first are excited?

Do you like man's first name or surname? You think that it sounds so magically beautiful that the one who bears it can't be an ordinary man, and everything he does is supposed to be fantastic.

He's got a foreign name, an aristocratic surname or something and you have just a name or just a surname probably the same with thousands of other people. Probably you expect that this man will get you attached to something that you've been always deprived of. Well in the most cases is not much better or worse than others by go on try it yourself to get sure.

Maybe you loose your head when you see some magical combination of figures in his phone, car or any other number?

These are exactly the figures you like, it must be a sign of destiny that he's appeared on your life way. Probably you are a fan of numerology, you think that mathematics has no idea of the real importance of numbers and figures it operates with, probably they're the signs of upper forces making living in this world a little less complicated. Well it's up to you to believe but don't close the eyes on the other but the numbers features of that guy.

Do you like his signature or hand writing? You aren't the only one. The explanation of this singularity is rather simple. You are sure that the way he right tells a lot about his true character and that you can read that character in his signature. You may go and try to check up if any of your versions is true.

Does his foreign accent, profession, hobby or any exotics thing he keeps, likes and does? You are definitely a hunter for exotics. You are probably displeased with your own life and think it's one of a kind, very ordinary and boring. He brings new emotions and impressions into you life, he's like a breath of a fresh air to you.

That's very understandable but be careful with the crocodile he keeps in his bathroom.

Do you like the defects of his speech or his bandaged arm, leg or probably a broken nose? These are the mothers instincts speaking in you. You want to take care of him, you pity him.

Maybe it's his glasses, earring, any other piercing or accessories that really turn you on? You start feeling hot at the moment the things a man with the pierces nipple can do in bed. Well this is a kind of fetishism but for you it's so really exciting. Probably your either like all the romantic attributes of sex like candelas and aromatic oil, cream and strawberries, playing role games.

Or do you like that he's left-handed or the shape of his ears or hands? Maybe that's just a type of man you prefer, you are very original in the criterions of your choice but that your right ' some women can't resist blue-eyed blondes and that's considered normal. Maybe you think that all the left-handed people are outstanding people and nothing turns you on more than the thought of how talented that man is. Maybe you had some man with the same shape of ears before and only following the signals of your past at the present moment. It's only you who can tell for sure.

Do you like the way he's doing hard physical work or on the opposite maybe you like that he looks and smells like candy? It's normal for all women to get excited from the men who look masculine, and that's how he looks when she chops and saws firewood for example. A candy-man is a type of a feminine man and very possible a gay-men. Or maybe he just a metrosexual that looks after himself. Then a woman should decide if a man who spends on the cosmetics even more money than she does is so attractive for her.

One more case is when you like a man doing housework. Of course it's not a apron on him that is so exiting for you but the care and love you see in this will to help.

Summing it all up one could say that some things about men that turn some women up are really singular and a little bit freaky, others are quite understandable, but all those of them can be called right in case they make a woman feel happy and satisfied.

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Men and Women: differences

About Gender. Notice: You can find the original article here:

http://peoplerelationships.syl.com/battleofsexes/differences

Have you ever heard a seemingly normal woman saying something like, "I don't know what I do to turn men off. I seem to push them away. Maybe I'm too demanding, or not demanding enough. Men are so confusing."

And it could be that very same day that you hear a seemingly normal man, unrelated to the first woman, complaining: ‘I don't get women. I must be doing something wrong. Women are so hard to understand."

When men and women get together, there are, in effect, two worlds—his and hers. They have different values, priorities, and habits. They play by different rules.

Scientists have come to accept that a few fundamental differences between men and women are biological. It turns out that men's and women's brains, for example, are not only different, but the way we use them differs too. Women have larger connections and more frequent interaction between their brain's left and right hemispheres. This accounts for women's ability to have better verbal skills and intuition. Men, on the other hand, have greater brain hemisphere separation, which explains their skills for abstract reasoning and visual-spatial intelligence. Poet Robert Bly describes women's brains as a "superhighway" of connection while men’s brains connections are compared to a "little crookedy country road.'"

Different habits of men and women are explained by different roles in the process of evolution. Although life conditions have changed, both men and women tend to follow their biological programs.

Men tend to retain a firm sense of direction – they need to trace the game, catch it, and find the way home, while women have a better peripheral vision that helps them to see what’s happening around the house, to spot an approaching danger, to notice changes in the children’s behavior and appearance. Men’s brains are programmed to hunting, which explains their narrow range of vision, while women’s brains are able to decipher a wider range of information

When entering a room, men look for exits, estimating a possible threat, and ways of escape, while women pay attention to the guests’ faces to find out who they are and how they feel. Men are able to sort out information and archive it in their head. Women tend to ‘rewind’ the information over and over again. The only way to stop thinking of the problems is to talk it over. When a woman shares her problems with a man, she is not looking for solutions – she needs someone to listen to her.

Men prefer strident noises, hard handshakes, and red color. They are better at solving technical problems. Women have a sharper ear, they use more words while talking, and are better at completing tasks independently.

Based on these biologically explained differences, some psychological distinctions between men and women can be established:

• Men grasp a situation as a whole and think globally, while women think locally, relying on details and nuances.
• Men are builders and creators. They take risks and experiment, while women select the most valuable knowledge and pass it over to the next generation.
• Men are more independent in their thoughts and actions, while women are more willing to follow the ideas suggested by others.
• Women’s self-appraisal is lower than that of men. Women tend to criticize themselves, while men are more satisfied with their own performance.
• Men and women have different sources of satisfaction. For men it’s career and prosperity, while women value family and kids.
• Men have a pronounced need to fulfill their goals, and women rank relationships with others first.
• Men get sick twice as often as women, although women tend to be more concerned about their health.
• Women endure pain and monotonous work better than men.
• All the above gets even more confusing, if we take into account that 15 to 20% of men happen to have a female type of brains, and about 10% of women have a male type of brains, which means that some percentage of men and women, no matter how small it seems, are partially programmed to the behavior and way of thinking of the opposite gender.

"Okay, I understand the problem", you are saying to yourself, but -"what's the solution"? That depends on whether you are a woman or a man.

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Redefining the role of women in Indonesia

About Gender. Notice: You can find the original article here:
http://www.twnside.org.sg/title/abdul-cn.htm

Redefining the role of women in Indonesia
After being suppressed for so long, the women of Indonesia are finally finding their voices again.
by Abdul Razak Ahmad

THE stereotypical, traditional role of the Eastern woman goes thus: She is the stalwart of the household, deeply pious, succumbing to the unquestioned authority of her husband, and sacrificing everything for the children. She is a demure wife, great cook, endless source of maternal wisdom. Full stop.

See how she thrives in a society where everyone is content, a society overwhelmed by economic progress.

Now throw everything off-kilter: put in a political revolt, mass rape, spiralling crime, loss of her husband's livelihood and extreme financial difficulty.

In short, throw out all the traditional 'societal protection' afforded to her and consider: Shouldn't the role of the woman be redefined to deal with the new challenges facing her?

It's now happening in Indonesia, and is the primary force motivating many women's groups and non-governmental organisations. If anything, women are becoming prime victims of Indonesia's economic and political difficulties.

Well-defined has the woman been for so long in Indonesia: in order of importance, she is firstly wife, then mother, then household economic supervisor. Only after these three responsibilities have been discharged does she become a member of society. Last and least, she is citizen of the state.

This is the role of women as dictated by the state. The ideology, enshrined in Indonesia's National Gender Ideology, has long governed policies regarding women's issues. 'We totally reject this ideology because any woman living outside this limited scope is considered deficient,' says Ita Fatia Nadia, director of Kalyanamitra, a women's issues NGO based in Jakarta.

Women - prime workforce

Kalyanamitra, Sanskrit for 'friend of woman', was founded in 1984, one of the few NGOs at the time that dealt with women's issues. 'Independent organisations were outlawed under the New Order administration,' and the government-sanctioned bodies set up to deal with the plight of women, 'were too politicised to be of any use whatsoever,' Ita said.

Since the 1970s, when Indonesia opened up to foreign investment, women became the prime workforce for factories set up by the multinationals. Working for relatively low wages, 'women were reduced to cheap labour', said Ita. The economic collapse that preceded the end of the Suharto administration has led to the loss of one out of five jobs.

'More women are now forced to seek employment to keep the family going and to bear the rise in the increased prices of most items,' she said.

'But there are still no laws to protect against sexual discrimination in terms of unfair wages and lack of proper employment benefits for women in Indonesia,' she added.

The economic crisis has resulted in a weakened and volatile local currency. This, added to the International Monetary Fund's insistence that subsidies be scrapped, has resulted in an escalation in the cost of basic food items. To this end, Kalyanamitra recently established a food cooperative, providing essential items at low prices for poor urban women. The co-op now has 6,000 members.

Although the crisis began as an economic problem, it soon sank into the political collapse of the Suharto administration. The gaping vacuum has resulted in violence, some of it targeted at women.

Women from certain ethnic groups (mainly Chinese) have become the targets of mass rape. Ita rejects the notion posed by critics that the push for greater freedom in Indonesia is a dangerous luxury which will only lead to chaos in terms of ethnic conflicts, as the rapes seem to indicate.

'The rapes were not racial. They were targeted at Chinese women, yes, but investigations have shown that such a planned and systematic mass rape of the women was part of a strategy to plant fear in the Chinese community.'

Ita claims that since the fall of the New Order administration, certain 'parties' have been out to create chaos, 'so they can step in with the excuse of restoring order'. And while 'certain parties' is a familiar term which denotes the ubiquitous anonymous bogeyman, Ita is more specific with the culprits responsible.

Elements within the military

A team was recently set up to offer help to the victims of violence. In the course of its investigations, the team - consisting of Kalyanamitra, the Jakarta Social Institute, the Nadhatul Ulama Muslim Organisation and the National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM, or Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia) - found similarities between the rape of Chinese women last May and other mass rapes which occurred in Acheh and East Timor.

'We found that, in most cases, the likely suspects consisted of elements within the military,' said Ita. 'We concluded that the rape of Chinese women last May was part of an organised system of terrorism. In fact, most recent human rights violations in Indonesia are part of desperate efforts to preserve the status quo.'

Kalyanamitra is now lobbying for compensation for the victims, witness protection and bringing the guilty parties to justice.

A phone call temporarily disrupts the interview. The distraught mother of a student activist shot dead by the military during last November's demonstrations is on the line, seeking help and support.

The softspoken Ita later apologises for the disruption. She reasoned that the crisis has resulted in a widening of the scope of activities which organisations like hers have had to deal with, such as offering solace and comfort to mothers who have lost their sons due to the violence.

'Pressing issues, you understand,' she says feebly, with a tinge of sadness in her eyes.

Almost every student activist interviewed has had a friend either shot dead or arrested by the authorities. Some journalists have either been imprisoned at some point of their career for 'subversion' (which in Indonesia can mean eight years for reading the works of banned authors), or had colleagues or friends who have suffered equal, if not worse, treatment.

I make this observation and ask whether this is worth the cause being fought for.

She does not answer the question directly. Instead, she tells me how Kalyanamitra, along with another organisation called Kaum Ibu, set up mobile kitchens to prepare meals for the university students during the demonstrations which led to Suharto's downfall.

'The response was beyond our wildest imaginations. Mothers would drive to our logistics centre and donate their time and money for the project.'

She remembers one mother who couldn't afford to donate, but offered to help man the kitchen.

'She told me that she could not be with the student demonstrators, so her effort was her little contribution in restoring justice to Indonesia.'

It reveals a political awareness, long repressed, but one which finally manifested itself in almost every citizen fed up with decades of oppression.

It explains why the movement has been successful so far, and why there is still hope in Indonesia. 'The students are at the forefront of the changes we are demanding, and they would never have succeeded if not for our support.

'They know they can rely on us in times of trouble. After all, we are their mothers,' she said.

From mothers to housewives to farmers to entrepreneurs to workers to social activists to students, the women of Indonesia are finally finding their voice again. In doing so, they are reasserting their role as nation-builders. (Third World Resurgence No. 103, March 1999)

Abdul Razak Ahmad is with the Malaysian daily, the New Straits Times, in which the above article appeared (29 December 1998).

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About Men, Women, and Relationships

About Gender. Notice: You can find the original article here:

http://whatwewomenwant.org/dating_women_relationships.html

A Short History of Men and Women

Approximately 250,000 years ago our species had evolved into what are now called "modern humans" who walked erect on two legs, made tools, and used language. Scientifically they are called Homo Sapiens and that means "wise humans." They lived in nomadic bands of 20 to 30 hunters and gatherers who did little more than survive and breed. They were a hardy and horny species. Their successful traits for surviving and breeding repeated over time became embedded in their DNA, which was passed on to today's men and women. (Yes, today we still have some caveman and cavewoman in us!)

By about 30,000 years ago, our ancestors had greatly increased in number and had evolved in body and brain very close to the physical likeness we are today. Very few physical changes have occurred in human bodies and brains over the past 30,000 years. (Some women complain that some men's behaviors have not improved much since then either!)

So here we are, still using a body and brain design that is approximately 30,000 years old! This body is designed primarily to survive and breed.

Why Men and Women Evolved With Differences

The primary reason for the differences between men and women today is due to how our ancestors lived and survived in prehistoric times. Ancient men were the hunters who concentrated on ways to effectively stalk, kill and transport home the catch-of-the-day for the family group or tribe. Hunting required creativity, cleverness, patience, and physical endurance. However, it did not require much talking or interaction with other men at a personal level. Men did not need to develop the personal communication and relationship skills that women did.

Success for a man back then was evident mostly in how well he survived as a hunter. Good hunters were very important for the group's survival. The best hunters were greatly respected and valued, and that earned them the power to control the group. This rewarding position at the top of the group came with valuable privileges.

In the ancient past, achieving high status as a great hunter and provider for the group got a man the best of what was available in the group. That usually meant he had first choice of food, comfort, and all the women for as much sex as he wanted. That was the best life a man could hope for in those bleak times. (Some guys think that sounds pretty good even today!)

Therefore, men were very competitive and competed for the rewarding position at the top of their group hierarchy to get the privileges. That competitiveness is still strong in men's DNA but is expressed today in different ways than hunting.

Most of today's men compete and and try to demonstrate their superiority by achieving difficult goals, adapting leadership positions, or just lying and bragging about their importance. These are attempts at status building in men. Unconsciously, most men are always working hard to prove themselves as the "greatest hunter" so they can get the privileges that come with high status.

This ancient need in men for high status is still operating in the deep old brain of today's men. It drives every human male after puberty to take high risks, compete in all varieties of activities, and brag (or lie) about their imagined importance whenever they get the chance.

Fortunately, the newer outer layers of the brain are adapted to learning new ways of behaving and some men can be subtle in their status seeking. Teen boys may not show much restraint in status seeking, but by the time they reach adulthood (30? 60? 90?) they learn how to be socialized and behave with good manners without all the status seeking tactics. However, even well-socialized men still compete for high status but in accordance with their culture's unwritten rules. Most often, high status is demonstrated today with large amounts of money and what money can buy, like a big house and luxury car. (And yes, often they are still seeking a lot of women and sex.)

GUYS: Many smart women understand this ancient need in men for status and sex so they capitalize on it to get what they want!

A Quick History About Women, Relationships, and Sex

In ancient times while the men were away on the daily hunt, the women tended the children and worked in groups for safety while gathering seeds, roots, berries, and nuts. These daily activities helped women develop a high skill for spreading their attention among several activities and people all at once. They talked much of the time while doing their chores and improved their relationships within the group of women. It was very important for a woman to be accepted by the other women in the group for her continued protection and survival.

For thousands of generations, a key skill learned by each woman living in communal groups was how to get along with the other female members. Women learned to cooperate rather than compete like the men did. Equal and harmonious relationships within the group was the best way for women to survive in those hard times. Today's modern women still place a high priority on maintaining good relationships, even though often it is not necessary to insure their survival.

How Women Build Relationships

For women, relationship-building is generally a part of every activity with everyone. Women build relationships by freely talking about their daily trivia and troubles. "I will tell you about my life and troubles, and you may tell me about yours so that we can be really close." This unconsciously reassures them they have a good relationship, are protected, safe, and will survive.

When a woman tries to build a relationship with a man by talking about her personal life and problems, men don't understand what is happening. Men hear women's problems as a request for help, so men respond with solutions to the women's problems. When a man offers his recommended solution, the woman often feels as if he is trying to diminish her problem or cut her off. Women do not see a relationship developing with the man who wants to "fix her problems." Men don't understand women building relationships with daily trivia and women don't understand men building status by taking action to fix things. Women don't want to be fixed! That makes them feel like they are broken or defective. They want to be heard and form a close relationship!

FACT 1: About Men, Women, and Relationships

•  Most men strive to achieve high status and thereby get a lot of sex. This drive begins as a teenager and may not ever stop until they drop dead. Sex with only one woman for a lifetime is not a high priority for many men.
• Women have a strong need in their DNA to pass on their genes to their children. But historically this was not easily done without protection and support from a man. Because this need still is in women's DNA, women still place a high priority on finding a man who will stick around to protect and support them and their children.
• Most women want a good sound relationship going before giving sex to the man she selects as the best one to insure survival of her and her children. This drive is even in women who are just dating for fun and not interested in having children.

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Homosexuality Fears Over Gender Equality in Iraqi Kurdistan

About Gender. Notice: You can find the original article here http://www.rudaw.net/english/culture_art/3374.html

ERBIL, Iraqi Kurdistan: The passing of a new law in Iraqi Kurdistan guaranteeing “gender equality” has deeply outraged the local religious community, including the minister of endowments and religious affairs and prominent imams, who interpret the phrase as legitimizing homosexuality in Kurdistan.

The law, which was recently passed by the Parliament of the semiautonomous region of Iraqi Kurdistan to facilitate the work of the Ministry of Culture and Youth, says that the ministry “is promoting gender equality.”

Kamil Haji Ali, the minister of endowments and religious affairs, said the new law would “spread immorality” and “distort” Kurdish society.

“The phrase ‘gender equality’ has so many meanings,” said Ali, a Political Bureau member of the Kurdistan Islamic Movement. “According to the information we have gathered about it, the term means that women can marry women, and men can marry men as well. This does not suit our Muslim society. That’s why we can never agree with this phrase.”

But Sozan Shihab, leader of the majority Kurdistani Alliance in parliament, said this was a misinterpretation of the law, as the law merely aimed at decreasing social injustice against women Iraqi Kurdistan.

“The phrase ‘gender equality’ means social equality between men and women in terms of rights and duties,” she said. “Women and men are equal and have no differences.”

The Islamic Union of Scholars in Kurdistan (IUSK) has also published a statement demanding the removal of the phrase “gender equality” from the law.

“As men are allowed to marry four women, this term also allows women to marry four men,” argued Mullah Nyaz Raghib, head of the Erbil office of the IUSK. “It also means that homosexuals can marry each other. This must change.”

A number of other prominent imams have been outraged and have spoken out against the law in recent Friday prayer services, with some accusing the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) of pursuing the “corrupt path” of the West.

Some religious men have gone even further, viewing gender equality as being a cause of the breakdown of the family and as condoning abortion.

“This phrase is against all religions,” said Mullah Immad Guani, preacher at Kherkhwazan Mosque in Erbil’s Malla Omer district. “The phrase ‘gender equality’ destroys families by equating [normal marriage] with homosexual marriage. It also allows abortion.”

But Abdul-Salam Berwari, a Kurdistan lawmaker, believes there is a misconception of the law among the clerics resulting from their dependence on Arabic knowledge to understand concepts created in the West, such as gender equality, rather than on Western learning.

“Those who believe gender equality means allowing homosexuality don’t really understand what the word ‘gender’ means,” said Berwari. “Instead of introducing the beautiful values of Islam to society, they bring the backward traditions of the Arab culture into Kurdish society. They want to destabilize the Kurdistan region.”

On Sunday the KRG held a press conference, where the public were ensured that gender equality did not include giving marriage rights to homosexuals, whose existence is effectively invisible in Iraq due to restrictive traditional rules. The government said no marriages, other than those permitted by official religions in Kurdistan, were allowed by law.

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Gender and Agrobiodiversity Management

About Gender. Notice: You can find the original article here

There are increasing concerns that the vital contribution of women to the management of biological resources, and to economic production generally, has been misunderstood, ignored, or underestimated (Howard, 2003). Women are the sole breadwinners in one-third of all households in the world. In poor families, with two adults, more than half the available income is from the labour of women and children. Furthermore, women direct more of their earnings to meet basic needs. Women produce 80 percent of the food in Africa, 60 percent in Asia and 40 percent in Latin America (Howard, 2003).

Women tend to be more actively involved than men in the household economy. This typically involves the use of a much wider diversity of species for food and medicine than are traded in regional or international markets. Women generally have the primary responsibility of providing their families with food, water, fuel, medicines, fibres, fodder and other products. Often they need to rely on a healthy and diverse ecosystem for a cash income. As a result, rural women are the most knowledgeable about the patterns and uses of local biodiversity. Yet, these same women are often denied access to land and resources. In many countries, such as Kenya, women have access only to the most marginal land - medicinal plants are collected along road banks and fence rows and fuel is collected in the de facto commons - land too far from villages to be claimed by men.

Gender issues cut across agrobiodiversity management activities in several ways. First, agrobiodiversity management is community-based, and requires the support of the entire community - young and old, rich and poor, men and women, boys and girls. Because women play a restricted or invisible role in the public affairs of many communities, special steps need to be taken so that women are consulted on agrobiodiversity management.

Tradition may dictate that the household head speaks for the household. However, many men are not sufficiently aware of women’s concerns to raise them adequately in public meetings. Hence, other ways must be found to tap women’s knowledge, needs and requirements, and to determine their commitment and contributions to agrobiodiversity management.

Second, men and women use agrobiodiversity in different ways and have diverse allocation and conservation measures. Agrobiodiversity management therefore requires information, participation in decision-making, management and commitment from both sexes.

Moreover, in several regions, women’s roles and responsibilities are greater than ever because of male migration to urban areas. Frequently, men are absent from rural homes because they leave to earn an alternative income. This creates de facto female-headed households, where the men may retain decision-making power, even though the women are managing the farm and household on their own for long periods. This feminization of agriculture may indicate that women are obtaining more decision-making power with regard to agrobiodiversity management.

Because of these above-mentioned tendencies, it is important for us to recognize that gender considerations in agrobiodiversity always need to take into account both men’s and women’s roles, responsibilities, interests and needs.

Furthermore, within these two groups, we need to be aware of other differences that need to be taken into consideration: those of age, ethnicity and social status.

Failure to consider these differences, between men and women, leads to unsuccessful project activities. It may also lead to the marginalization of a major sector of society and a large part of the agricultural workforce. Thus, understanding gender relationships, and adjusting methods and messages, is crucial for the full participation of all sectors of the community.

Key points

• Mainstream agricultural, environmental and related policies and programmes tend to see farmers as men. Or, no differentiation is made between male and female farmers.
• Rural men’s and women’s roles, as food producers and providers, link them directly to the management and sustainable use of agrobiodiversity.
• Both men and women farmers play an important role as decision-makers in agrobiodiversity management. All of these decisions affect the total amount of genetic diversity that is conserved and used.
• In most farming systems there is a division of labour, which determines the different and complementary tasks for which men and women are responsible.
• Women tend to be more actively involved than men in the household economy, which typically involves the use of a much wider diversity of species for food and medicine than are traded in regional or international markets.
• There are increasing concerns that the vital contribution of women to the management of biological resources, and to economic production generally, has been misunderstood, ignored, or underestimated.

References

Bravo-Baumann, H. 2000. Capitalisation of experiences on the contribution of livestock projects to gender issues. Working Document. Bern, Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation.

FAO. 1997. Gender: the key to sustainability and food security. SD Dimensions, May 1997 (available at www.fao.org/sd).

Guinand, Y. & Lemessa, D. 2000. Wild-food plants in southern Ethiopia: Reflections on the role of ‘famine-foods’ at a time of drought. UN-Emergencies Unit for Ethiopia, UNDP Emergencies Unit for Ethiopia.

Howard, P. 2003. Women and plants, gender relations in biodiversity management and conservation. London, ZED Books.

Synnevag, G. 1997. Gender differentiated management of local crop genetic resources in Bafoulabe Cercle, Kayes region of Mali - A case study. In Actes du Colloque, Gestion des Ressources Génétiques de Plantes en Afrique des Savanes. Bamako, Mali, 24 - 28.2.1997, pp. 85-92. Montpellier, France, Institut d’Economie Rurale, Bureau des Ressources Génétiques, Solidarités Agricoles et Alimentaires.

Web site

FAO Web site on gender: www.fao.org/Gender/gender.htm

FAO Web site on sustainable development issues: www.fao.org/sd/index_en.htm

FAO Web site for Gender, Agrobiodiversity and Local Knowledge: www.fao.org/sd/links

Additional background papers

FAO. 1999. Women-users, preservers and managers of agrobiodiversity. Rome.

Torkelsson, A. 2003. Gender in agricultural biodiversity conservation. In Conservation and sustainable use of agricultural biodiversity. Manila, CIP-UPWARD in partnership with GTZ, IDRC, IPGRI and SEARICE.

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What is Gender?

About Gender. Notice: You can find the original article here

Gender is defined by FAO as ‘the relations between men and women, both perceptual and material. Gender is not determined biologically, as a result of sexual characteristics of either women or men, but is constructed socially. It is a central organizing principle of societies, and often governs the processes of production and reproduction, consumption and distribution’ (FAO, 1997). Despite this definition, gender is often misunderstood as being the promotion of women only. However, as we see from the FAO definition, gender issues focus on women and on the relationship between men and women, their roles, access to and control over resources, division of labour, interests and needs. Gender relations affect household security, family well-being, planning, production and many other aspects of life (Bravo-Baumann, 2000).

DEFINITION OF GENDER ROLES AND GENDER RELATIONS
Gender roles are the ‘social definition’ of women and men. They vary among different societies and cultures, classes, ages and during different periods in history. Gender-specific roles and responsibilities are often conditioned by household structure, access to resources, specific impacts of the global economy, and other locally relevant factors such as ecological conditions (FAO, 1997).

Gender relations are the ways in which a culture or society defines rights, responsibilities, and the identities of men and women in relation to one another (Bravo-Baumann, 2000).

Rural people’s roles, as food producers and food providers, link them directly to the management and sustainable use of agrobiodiversity. Through their daily work, rural people have accumulated knowledge and skills concerning their ecosystems, local crop varieties, animal breeds, agricultural systems and the nutritional values of various underused plants. They have become adept at maintaining their own scarce resources. Men and women act differently, because of their socially ascribed roles; therefore they have different sets of knowledge and needs.

Experience shows that agricultural, environmental and related policies and programmes do not differentiate between male and female farmers. Therefore, they often fail to recognize the differences between men’s and women’s work, knowledge, contributions and needs. This has significant consequences for biodiversity as well as for gender equality. For example, Box 2 illustrates that in Bafoulabé region (Mali), women have more knowledge about the traditional rice varieties than men, as rice was traditionally considered as a women’s crop.

GENDER DIFFERENCES IN KNOWLEDGE OF TRADITIONAL RICE VARIETIES IN MALI
In Bafoulabé region in Mali, rice was traditionally considered a female crop. It was grown near rivers or where water stagnated during the rainy season. Women would take care of the field individually or in a group. Their knowledge of landraces was vast. They could identify 30 different varieties by growth cycle, plant growth habit, plant height, number of stems, grain yield, grain size, form, colour, preparation quality, utilization and taste of the end product. Men had very little knowledge of traditional rice varieties, but they had the main responsibility for three improved rice varieties introduced to the village.

Source: Synnevag, 1997.

Both men and women farmers play an important role as decision-makers in agrobiodiversity management. They decide when to plant, harvest and process their crops. They decide how much of each crop variety to plant each year, how much seed to save from their own production and what to buy or exchange. All these decisions affect the total amount of genetic diversity that is conserved and used.

In most farming systems, there is a division of labour. This determines the different tasks for which men and women are responsible. Generally, women have an important role in the production, processing, preservation, preparation and sale of staple crops. Men tend to focus on market-oriented or cash crop production. Often we find a division in crop and livestock management practices. Weeding is often a women’s task, while spraying or fertilizer application is mainly carried out by men. Women and children often look after the smaller livestock species and men are often in charge of cattle. These are only a few examples, which are not generally applicable, but will depend on the specific situations and cultures we are working.

GENDER AND AGE-SPECIFIC DIFFERENCES REGARDING THE COLLECTION, PREPARATION AND CONSUMPTION OF WILD-FOOD PLANTS IN RURAL ETHIOPIA
Mostly children collect and eat the fruit from wild plants. Other wild-food and famine-food plants are collected by children and women and prepared by the latter in all the areas surveyed. Women frequently collect wild-food when they are on their way to fetch water, collect firewood, go to market, and when walking home from their fields.

Able-bodied male members of the community usually migrate to find work during food shortage. Women and children are left behind to manage as best they can. Therefore, women and children are the main actors concerning the collection, preparation and consumption of wild-food plants. Children forage and climb trees for collection while women do the preparation and the cooking. In normal times, young rural males eat more wild foods than the older generation. Although, when there is a food shortage, all ages and both sexes eat the wild foods to satisfy their need for additional nourishment, traditional fulfillment and local curative treatments. This includes consumption of Embelia schimperi (enkoko in Amharic), a fruit that is eaten to control intestinal parasites.

Source: Guinand and Lemessa, 2000.

Women are often involved in the selection, improvement and adaptation of plant varieties. They often have more specialized knowledge of wild plants used for food, fodder and medicine than men (see Box 2 and 3). Men and women may be responsible for different crops, or varieties, or be responsible for different tasks related to one crop.

Recent decades have witnessed substantial gains in agricultural productivity and rapid advances in agricultural technology. These advances have often bypassed women farmers and reduced their productivity. Frequently the changes were linked to credit requirements that were either inaccessible to women, or were not tailored to their needs and demands. Therefore, women face a variety of gender-based constraints as farmers and managers of natural resources. In order to meet the challenges of food production for the increasing population, countries must find ways to overcome this gap in productivity.

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